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Chapter 3 largely ruminates on healthcare. The author is forthcoming about her own mental health diagnoses: “borderline personality disorder, major depression, anxiety, and OCD” (61). She discusses the psychological impact of immigration and living in the United States as an undocumented person. She says, “The U.S. government’s crimes against immigrants are beyond the pale and the whole world knows” (60). Living as a regular victim of those crimes creates severe risks for mental illness.
The chapter takes place in Miami, Florida. One of the author’s early research outings was to a pharmacy that provides prescription drugs to immigrants in need and without a prescription, which is illegal. Undocumented immigrants, however, are not eligible to purchase healthcare insurance even if they can afford it. Instead they use various measures to navigate the system to get the care they need. They rely on pharmacies like the one the author visits; share medication; or obtain drugs through someone who has healthcare coverage and can fake certain conditions, get a prescription, and pass along the medication. They see doctors who are willing to practice illegally via house calls. They do home treatments that the author calls “folk medicine” with accessible resources from stores (67). For preventive care, some are able to see doctors at community health centers (65-67).
The author also visits a botanica—a shop probably affiliated with vodou or Santería that sells herbs, handmade toiletries, and religious trinkets as well as occasionally selling things like hardware and small animals. At the botanica she experiences a vodou ceremony that she remains skeptical of because of its intense commercialization. These methods serve as sources of healthcare for undocumented immigrants, because hospitals turn away undocumented people suffering even from terminal cancer (a case that Villavicencio discusses elsewhere in the chapter [86]).
Gendered violence is also a topic of consideration in this chapter. The author interviews and gets to know women who support each other emotionally and gather for activist work and on-the-town partying. Many work or had worked as housekeepers, another abusive industry whose workers are largely immigrants. Some were abused in familial or romantic relationships. They defy cultural expectations that they’ll stay at home, keep house, and be silent.
The author chose to visit Flint, Michigan, the site of a water crisis that made international headlines, because she “wanted to see what it looks like when the state poisons its own people” (95). Flint is not a wealthy city. It suffered from the collapse of its automotive industry in the 1990s, and many houses and buildings are abandoned and derelict. The residents who remain are largely people of color, including a sizeable Black population and many undocumented immigrants.
Villavicencio explains that “the undocumented community in Flint has been affected by the water crisis in disturbingly specific ways” (96). There were apparently few warnings circulated in Spanish, and increased government personnel to do things like canvas and distribute resources brought stress to residents trying to evade notice by any government authorities. Overall, however, the state of Michigan did very little to protect Flint residents. The author recounts instances of the state lying about the quality of the water and denying resources to residents, particularly those without state IDs (and state IDs are illegal for undocumented people in Michigan).
Like in the other chapters, the author focuses on several personal stories. A prematurely aged man named Theodoro told the author about his loneliness in the US and some of the jobs he worked. He was very happy as a candy maker at a factory in Detroit (he started as a janitor but the owners promoted him), but the company was sold to people who would not employ undocumented immigrants. By the time the author spoke to him, he lived only with his two beloved dogs, with whom he shares his clean water rations. The dogs are his family in the US.
The reader also meets Ivy, originally from Mexico, whose baby was born blind because of the lead poisoning in the water Ivy had to drink while she was pregnant. This anecdote is part of a larger argument the author makes about the long-term implications of the water crisis for a whole generation of Flint youth. “Ivy’s baby has regained her vision,” the author says, “but nobody knows what the long-term effects of the water poisoning will be in her little body. The wait is torturous for Ivy. It is torturous for her mom. It is torturous for the community. It is not torturous for the government” (114). Villavicencio asserts that the government willfully neglected people of color in Flint, wants them to die, and will not meaningfully intervene to protect them from even the most severe threats.
These chapters move beyond New York, where the author grew up, to other cities where she investigates telling stories about undocumented immigrants. As the author introduces subsets of undocumented communities, she provides context for their mass immigration and particular conditions of living in the US. For example, many Cubans are in Florida because of policy dating back to the Clinton administration that allowed for “expedited routes to permanent resident status and citizenship” (90). Many Haitians are in Miami because of a policy that allowed for temporary residency following a devastating earthquake in Haiti, a policy called TPS (temporary protected status). Exploring these specific conditions and concerns for various immigrant groups reminds the reader that the broad category of undocumented immigrants, even if restricted to immigrants from Latin America, is extremely diverse. There is no united front within it. In fact, there are divisions and factions like there are in any other large community, whether or not community members have shared goals, experiences, and enemies.
Individual and public health are also major topics in this middle section of the book. The author visits Miami to explore the many ways that immigrant families regularly work around the expensive US healthcare system, which typically excludes them. Some alternative care is exploitative. Some is illegal, like the underground distribution of prescription drugs through pharmacies. The author sees what drugs some of these pharmacies manage to distribute and says, “I’m scared at the thought of people taking these meds without supervision” (71). Some choices are perhaps effective, like alternative medicine, but few options are available for undocumented people who face health issues.
The Flint chapter focuses on the current of the public health crisis felt in immigrant communities there. Because of her own experiences as an immigrant and the research she has undertaken all over the US, the author concludes that the state wants immigrants and people of color to die. She says, “The government wanted the people of Flint dead, or did not care if they died, which is the same thing” (115). Villavicencio argues that if the government wanted people to live, it would have accessible healthcare and the political will to immediately solve a public health crisis like a poisoned water supply. She also continues in these chapters to weave her and her family’s stories in parallel to the narratives of the people she meets and their various levels of vulnerability, loneliness, and sadness. The author uses one story to showcase the personal power, almost a feeling of invincibility, that comes with becoming documented.
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