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84 pages 2 hours read

The Selfish Gene

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1976

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Chapters 8-10Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 8 Summary: “Battle of the Generations”

Dawkins addresses issues dividing generations in genetic terms, rather than philosophically or psychologically: “Should a mother have favourites, or should she be equally altruistic towards all her children?” (94). Mothers invest food, time, and risk for their offspring. They allot these resources among children. Ecologists measure investment in caloric energy. Evolutionists measures using gene survival. R.L. Trivers developed the Parental Investment model:

Parental Investment (P.I.) is defined as 'any investment by the parent in an individual offspring that increases the offspring's chance of surviving (and hence reproductive success) at the cost of the parent's ability to invest in other offspring.' The beauty of Trivers's parental investment is that it is measured in units very close to the units that really matter. When a child uses up some of its mother's milk, the amount of milk consumed is measured not in pints, not in calories, but in units of detriment to other children of the same mother (94).

Parental investment in one child decreases the life expectancy of siblings, whether already or not yet born. Dawkins generalizes the concept to any altruistic investment. People have finite resources to invest. If a mother has too many children, she cannot feed them all and they fail to survive. If she has too few, the “spoilt brats” (95) will yield fewer descendants than a larger brood could. Genetically, a mother shares half her interests with each child, so she should not have a favorite. However, some offspring have better odds of passing on genes, so she favors these:

An under-sized runt bears just as many of his mother's genes as his more thriving litter mates. But his life expectation is less. Another way to put this is that he needs more than his fair share of parental investment, just to end up equal to his brothers. Depending on the circumstances, it may pay a mother to refuse to feed a runt, and allocate all of his share of her parental investment to his brothers and sisters. Indeed it may pay her to feed him to his brothers and sisters, or to eat him herself, and use him to make milk. Mother pigs do sometimes devour their young, but I do not know whether they pick especially on runts (95).

Genetics also predicts that all else equal, a mother would save an older brother from death before a younger brother because she would have to make greater parental investment in the latter. However, other conditions can favor assisting the younger brother instead. At a certain threshold, children become capable of feeding themselves, and the mother invests better in newer offspring.

After a particular point in time, grandchildren have longer life expectancy than children, so even though grandchildren have more distant genetics they offer better investment returns. Dawkins speculates that this may account for menopause, when women stop producing children. Because males invest relatively little in each child, their investment does better in producing children than grandchildren, even when the males become old. Children have their own investment incentives:

Even if parents do not 'want' to show favouritism among their children, could it be that children grab favoured treatment for themselves? Would it pay them to do so? More strictly, would genes for selfish grabbing among children become more numerous in the gene pool than rival genes for accepting no more than one's fair share? (97).

People have greater incentive to invest in themselves than in other individuals. However, investing in a related weak individual can improve genetic chance better than investing in oneself, explaining altruism. Offspring are related the same amount, one half, to each other and to their mother. They each have their own full set of genes, providing twice the incentive to take resources for oneself instead of contributing to a sibling:

If you and your brother are the same age, and both are in a position to benefit equally from a pint of mother's milk, you 'should' try to grab more than your fair share, and he should try to grab more than his fair share. Have you ever heard a litter of piglets squealing to be first on the scene when the mother sow lies down to feed them? Or little boys fighting over the last slice of cake? Selfish greed seems to characterize much of child behaviour (97).

In cases where a sibling can substantially improve the survival of another sibling, their relatedness increases the incentive for altruism. Sharing half their genes, siblings should give over parental investment when it would double the benefit. A mother has incentive to wean children soon so that she can feed the next children. Children, however, have the incentive to continue drinking milk, until the parental investment can improve younger siblings more than themselves.

Birds feed their young on worms. Selfish genes produce baby birds competing to scream the loudest for food. For any resources that parents provide, each child fights selfishly, while mothers offer balance. Runts often die. However, selfish genes can make runts voluntarily sacrifice themselves when the advantages of food for their siblings grow large. A mother can find the most effective litter size by having one more baby than she expects to need, then selectively feeding the litter. The runt would consistently get fed less, and either die with little parental investment or survive if the environment develops favorably:

Using our metaphor of the individual animal as a survival machine behaving as if it had the 'purpose' of preserving its genes, we can talk about a conflict between parents and young, a battle of the generations. The battle is a subtle one, and no holds are barred on either side. A child will lose no opportunity of cheating. It will pretend to be hungrier than it is, perhaps younger than it is, more in danger than it really is. It is too small and weak to bully its parents physically, but it uses every psychological weapon at its disposal: lying, cheating, deceiving, exploiting, right up to the point where it starts to penalize its relatives more than its genetic relatedness to them should allow. Parents, on the other hand, must be alert to cheating and deceiving, and must try not to be fooled by it (99).

Baby birds could theoretically scream loud enough to attract predators, forcing parents to provide food to quiet them. Genes for this behavior could produce more copies than their alternatives, becoming prevalent. However, this would be more likely in species such as the cuckoo that lay eggs in the nests of other species, altering the genetic incentives.

The honey-guide, another bird species, also lay eggs in the nests of other species: “The baby honey-guide is equipped with a sharp, hooked beak. As soon as he hatches out, while he is still blind, naked, and otherwise helpless, he scythes and slashes his foster brothers and sisters to death: dead brothers do not compete for food!” (102). The British cuckoo likewise removes the competition. It hatches before the host species, then blindly picks up the other eggs and throws them out of the nest.

Researchers experimented with eggs and chicks in nests. A baby swallow in a magpie nest surprisingly threw a magpie egg out of the nest, as a cuckoo would. Dawkins speculates that swallows may have evolved to do this to related siblings. The ideal clutch size for an offspring bird may differ from the ideal clutch size for a parent. Therefore, an offspring may have incentive to reduce the competition: “Translating into gene language, a gene for fratricide could conceivably spread through the gene pool, because it has 100 per cent chance of being in the body of the fratricidal individual, and only a 50 per cent chance of being in the body of his victim” (103). The fratricidal gene would make more copies of itself by getting more food for its own survival machine.

Dawkins writes that “the ruthless behaviour of a baby cuckoo is only an extreme case of what must go on in any family” (103). Conflicts of interest often arise between parents and children. According to one theory by R.D. Alexander, parents generally win such conflicts. Organisms that manipulated their parents would paradoxically pass on the manipulation gene to their own offspring, who would thus reduce gene survival. This could imply the evolution of altruism.

Dawkins points out that the genetic relationship between parents and offspring is symmetrical, so this argument would apply equally in either direction and thus does not hold true. The gene, rather than the adult or child, determines intergenerational contests: “There is really only one entity whose point of view matters in evolution, and that entity is the selfish gene” (105).

Genes evolve to operate differently in juvenile and adult bodies. In children, genes produce manipulation of parents. In the same individuals who have grown into adults, genes produce manipulation of children. The parent does have non-genetic advantages over a child, such as being bigger and working for food. However, children have advantages too, such as better information about their hunger, enabling deceit of parents. Children evolved to communicate emotions to parents:

Signals like purring and smiling may have been selected because they enable parents to learn which of their actions are most beneficial to their children. The sight of her child smiling, or the sound of her kitten purring, is rewarding to a mother, in the same sense as food in the stomach is rewarding to a rat in a maze (106).

However, children can manipulate such signals to manipulate their parents. Rather than parents of offspring winning intergenerational conflicts, Dawkins argues that a compromise arises. The conflict has constraints, because relatives do share significant genetic interests. Dawkins notes that these manipulative behaviors evolve in the wild, and he advocates that humans cultivate more altruistic behavior.

Chapter 9 Summary: “Battle of the Sexes”

Dawkins explores the relationship between parents and offspring:

If there is conflict of interest between parents and children, who share 50 per cent of each others' genes, how much more severe must be the conflict between mates, who are not related to each other? All that they have in common is a 50 per cent genetic shareholding in the same children (106).

Each parent has incentive to care for his or her half of their children’s genes. However, each also has genetic incentive to let the other parent care for children while going off to have more children: “Each partner can therefore be thought of as trying to exploit the other, trying to force the other one to invest more” (107).Genes push individuals to reproduce with as many partners as possible, leaving the partner to raise the children. Males of some species achieve this, although in other species share in child-rearing. This genetic perspective inverts the common viewpoint of sexual relations from cooperative to competitive.

Dawkins describes males and females fundamentally. While humans often associate sex with a set of features such as the penis, breasts, and chromosomes, other animals and plants confuse such notions. The defining difference is that one sex produces smaller and more numerous sex cells (“gametes”) than the other sex. Some primitive species, such as fungi, reproduce through “isogamy” without two different sexes. Two isogametes contribute equal quantities of genes and food to produce a baby. A sperm and an egg contribute equal quantities of genes, but only eggs contribute food.

Because males make smaller sex cells that only need to fertilize, males can afford to make many millions of times more sex cells. This enables males to reproduce with more females at a time. A female has to feed one embryo at a time, severely limiting how many babies she can have. Among isogametes, some sex cells would have been slightly larger than average. These carried more food, improving the survival of offspring.

An arms race produced ever bigger isogametes. This opened the possibility for selfish smaller genes to mate with larger ones, by becoming more mobile: “Natural selection favoured the production of sex cells that were small and that actively sought out big ones to fuse with. So we can think of two divergent sexual 'strategies' evolving” (108). Dawkins describes “honest” large cells competing for food, and exploitative small cells competing for large cells:

Each honest one would 'prefer' to fuse with another honest one. But the selection pressure to lock out exploiters would have been weaker than the pressure on exploiters to duck under the barrier: the exploiters had more to lose, and they therefore won the evolutionary battle. The honest ones became eggs, and the exploiters became sperms (108).

One male can produce enough sperm to fertilize at least 100 females. On group selection theory, the good of the species would be served by a sex ratio of 100 females to 1 male. The males would be more “expendable” and females more “valuable” (108) to the species. In many animals, only a few males reproduce.

R.A. Fisher explained the sex ratio through the selfish gene. As with determining how many offspring to have, parental genes determine how many of each sex to have. The effective ratio evolves. Mammal eggs can become male or female. Fertilizing sperms determine sex: the Y half produce males, the X half produce females. An evolutionarily stable strategy arises.

In elephant seals, heavily female-producing genes could theoretically evolve. This would serve the good of the species, having many females carry the babies of a few males. However, the genetic payoff for producing males would then far outweigh the payoff for producing females. Each male could produce hundreds of times more genetic copies than each female, so the evolutionarily stable strategies is to produce an even number of males and females.

Genes evolve to invest the same amount for the same expected return. Over evolutionary time, each gene spends approximately half its time in males, half in females. A gene can make use of each of these bodies differently. Males and females have different opportunities. In a couple, the male and female both aim for large numbers of offspring, half male and half female. The less a parent invests per child, the more children: “The obvious way to achieve this desirable state of affairs is to induce your sexual partner to invest more than his or her fair share of resources in each child, leaving you free to have other children with other partners” (111).

Males do not carry children or eggs, so can roam more freely. Females invest more in offspring, making females less likely than males to abandon children and mates: “The female sex is exploited, and the fundamental evolutionary basis for the exploitation is the fact that eggs are larger than sperms” (111).In some species, evolutionary pressure forces mothers to raise offspring alone. In other species, monogamous couples share parenting duties.

An abandoned mother would serve her genetic interests to deceive another male into caring for her child. If the child is not yet born, she could even convince the second man that he is the father: “Natural selection would severely penalize such gullibility in males and indeed would favour males who took active steps to kill any potential step-children as soon as they mated with a new wife” (112).

Male mice emit a chemical that can cause abortions in female mice, if the female smells different than the male’s previous mate. Male lions arriving in a pride sometimes murder the cubs. Instead of killing rival offspring, a male can isolate the female for a period, an “engagement” (112), ensuring that she does not carry any. If a female cannot fool a male into adopting, she could abort a baby. For older children, it could make more sense for her to become a single parent.

Due to genetic logic, it can pay greater dividends to become the parent who deserts offspring first. The second parent would have to decide whether to desert too, which could kill their child. Therefore, the first parent to desert pressures the second into investing in the child. The female advantage is having more mating possibilities: “She has a strong card in her hand. She can refuse to copulate. She is in demand, in a seller's market. This is because she brings the dowry of a large, nutritious egg” (113).

Before sex, a female can bargain: “Once she has copulated she has played her ace—her egg has been committed to the male” (113).The animal version of “driving a hard bargain” could come in two forms. In the “domestic-bliss strategy” (113), the female looks for signs of a domestic, loyal male. By playing hard to get, her incentive for an “engagement”(112), she finds the faithful male. Numerous animals exhibit long engagement periods, and female coyness: “Courtship rituals often include considerable pre-copulation investment by the male. The female may refuse to copulate until the male has built her a nest. Or the male may have to feed her quite substantial amounts of food” (114).

Dawkins suggest that females could compel males to invest enough before sex that it becomes not worthwhile for the male to abandon: “There will be little temptation for him to desert her, if he knows that any future female he approaches will also procrastinate in the same manner before she will get down to business” (114).Importantly, mates make judgments on the basis of expected returns, not on the amount already invested. Therefore, loose females would undermine the incentive for males to commit. Applying the Maynard Smith method of evolutionarily stable strategies, Dawkins shows how a mix of coy and fast females, and faithful and philandering males, spreads genetically to equilibrium.

In monogamous bird species, males often build the nest before mating, and then feed the female, so that their parental investment adds up to more than just sperm. Females could impose any type of cost on males to prove their sincerity. However, genetic advantage accrues for females insisting on costs that improve the survival of her and offspring.

Some insects engage in courtship feeding. In the case of the praying mantis, this can include the male himself being eaten by the female. An unfaithful male could deceive a female into thinking him loyal, propagating his genes at little personal expense. A female who can detect such disloyalty favors her own genes: “One way they can do this is to play especially hard to get when they are courted by a new male, but in successive breeding seasons to be increasingly ready to accept quickly the advances of last year's mate” (117).

Rather than entirely honest or dishonest animals, Dawkins describes the general tendency for each animal to have evolved a small amount of dishonesty, somewhat more in males. In some animals, especially fish, males invest more than females in their children. Sex cells fertilize each other in the water, not in a fish. Therefore, as per Trivers, fish face a “cruel bind” of whether to desert the mate first, with greater punishment for deserting second: “It seems probable that an evolutionary battle will develop over who sheds their sex cells first” (118). However, in fish the mother does not hold the baby. Because male sex cells are more likely to spread out in the water, the male actually has greater incentive to hold onto his sex cells longer. This explains why males in water but not on land care more for their young.

An alternative female behavior, the “he-man strategy” (119), sacrifices fatherly involvement for fatherly genes. Females withhold sex, not for male commitment, but for male quality. Females evolve to detect indications of effective males. In elephant seals and other animals, females figure out the few quality males, who provide the sperm. Females gauge survival ability. Old age does not suffice, because it could show survival but not virility, producing few descendants. Instead, strength or speed would improve her offspring.

As realized by Darwin and later Fisher, in societies where females select males, sexually attractive masculinity itself becomes genetically valuable. Therefore, in addition to selecting muscles as a sign of strength, females also select muscles for their own attractiveness: “Extravagances such as the tails of male birds of paradise may therefore have evolved by a kind of unstable, runaway process” (119).This “sexual selection” (119) produces traits that would otherwise impede natural selection.

An alternative explanation by A. Zahavi has male genes producing traits that accurately reflect their capabilities because of the arms race between show-offs and deception-detectors. According to this theory, males show that they can survive even despite a costly ostentatious feature. Dawkins expresses skepticism over the handicap explanation, noting that mathematical models by biologists including Maynard Smith have failed to calculate it. Male elephant seals who win fights can hold harems. A female can gauge strength effectively by mating with a harem holder. In other species, territory or dominance can indicate attractive male genes.

Animals form mating systems, such as monogamy or polygamy, as a result of conflicting interests between the males and females. The sperm-egg difference generally results in promiscuous males and selective females. In some species, males and females differ significantly, and females go for the “he-man” strategy. Males tend to have brighter colors, and sexually attractive coloring also attracts predators. A compromise results in somewhat bright males, who need to attract mates. Females have few eggs, easily fertilized, and do not need to attract mates, so they remain drab.

Animals generally avoid mating with other species. In some cases, such as a man with a sheep, no embryo is formed, and little is lost. A horse and a donkey can produce a sterile mule, costing precious parental investment, especially from the mother. Females are therefore more selective in mating. Likewise, incestuous mating results in reproductive problems, costing females more than males. Because sex initiators are often older, this theory predicts that father-daughter relations should be more common than brother-sister, and the latter more common than mother-son.

Because of the higher cost of eggs, females can less afford to be promiscuous than males. Each time a male has sex, he gets a chance to reproduce his genes, whereas a female only needs sex once in a long time to reproduce. Dawkins notes that human societies often feature monogamy, with females withholding sex until commitment. Parental investment is large and involves both parents. Mothers often directly care for the children, while fathers earn resources. Some human societies feature more promiscuous males, even harems:

What this astonishing variety suggests is that man's way of life is largely determined by culture rather than by genes. However, it is still possible that human males in general have a tendency towards promiscuity, and females a tendency towards monogamy, as we would predict on evolutionary grounds (124).

Western humans conspicuously reverse the trend in “sexual advertisement,” with showier females: “Women paint their faces and glue on false eyelashes. Apart from special cases, like actors, men do not” (124). A biologist would ordinarily conclude that women compete for sex with men: “What has happened in modern western man? Has the male really become the sought-after sex, the one that is in demand, the sex that can afford to be choosy? If so, why?” (124).

Chapter 10 Summary: “You Scratch My Back, I’ll Ride on Yours”

Animals interact not only among immediate mates and offspring, but in larger groups:

Birds flock, insects swarm, fish and whales school, plains-dwelling mammals herd together or hunt in packs. These aggregations usually consist of members of a single species only, but there are exceptions. Zebras often herd together with gnus, and mixed-species flocks of birds are sometimes seen (125).

Animals live in groups so that their genes benefit. For example, hyenas catch enough extra food from pack hunting to outweigh the costs of sharing. Some spiders build communal webs. Emperor penguins huddle to conserve heat. Fish and birds travel in V formations for speed.

W.D. Hamilton theorizes that numerous animals herd to avoid predators. Because predators pose a danger to the nearest prey, each prey animal constantly strives for central, protected positions. This produces the tight-packed herd geometrically. Animals herd for selfish reasons, not out of altruism. In some situations, such as birds sounding warning calls, behavior appears altruistic. Alarm calls evolved to have acoustic profiles making them hard to detect, implying danger to the alarm caller:

Bird alarm calls have been held up so many times as 'awkward' for the Darwinian theory that it has become a kind of sport to dream up explanations for them. As a result, we now have so many good explanations that it is hard to remember what all the fuss was about. Obviously, if there is a chance that the flock contains some close relatives, a gene for giving an alarm call can prosper in the gene pool because it has a good chance of being in the bodies of some of the individuals saved (127).

Numerous other explanations have also appeared. Gazelles engage in “stotting” (129), or jumping high while being pursued. One biologist suggested that this requires group selection. Zahavi has proposed a gene selection response claiming that gazelles stot not to signal their comrades, but to signal to the predator enough strength to escape so that the predator pursues a different gazelle. Predators often pursue old, weak prey. Bees who sting predators often die in the process. Social insects generally engage in complex group activity, appearing altruistic. They share food and information and heat, acting as a single organism:

Finally and most importantly, the analogy extends to reproduction. The majority of individuals in a social insect colony are sterile workers. The 'germ line'—the line of immortal gene continuity—flows through the bodies of a minority of individuals, the reproductives. These are the analogues of our own reproductive cells in our testes and ovaries. The sterile workers are the analogy of our liver, muscle, and nerve cells. Kamikaze behaviour and other forms of altruism and cooperation by workers are not astonishing once we accept the fact that they are sterile (129).

A social insect colony generally has one mother. Several classes of sterile insects include small and large workers, soldiers, and specialists, and some males reproduce. An evolutionarily stable strategy for bearing and caring offspring has formed such that social insects have an extremely strong divide between the two functions. One queen bears many offspring, and many related individuals care for them. Some biologists have proposed that the queen chemically manipulates the brood to care for her offspring, or that the sterile workers “farm” (130) reproductive insects to make genetic copies.

The Hymenoptera (including ants and bees) reproduce such that the queen fertilizes her female but not her male offspring with stored sperm. Therefore, males do not have fathers, and males have only one set of genes. Females have two sets of genes and can grow into workers or queens. As a result, queen bees have the same genetic relatedness with offspring as human mothers do with their offspring. However, sisters can have one and a half times the relatedness (sharing three quarters of their genes instead of one half).Because sister insects have more common genes than mother-offspring insects, genes evolve for sisters to assist each other even if at the expense of their mother:

A gene for vicariously making sisters replicates itself more rapidly than a gene for making offspring directly. Hence worker sterility evolved. It is presumably no accident that true sociality, with worker sterility, seems to have evolved no fewer than eleven times independently in the Hymenoptera and only once in the whole of the rest of the animal kingdom, namely in the termites (131).

A brother in the Hymenoptera has one half of the genes from his mother, and only one quarter of the shared genes in a sister. Therefore, while the mother has genetic incentive to produce an equal number of males and females, the sisters have a genetic incentive produce three females for every male. The insects face an intergenerational conflict of interests over which sex to produce.

Scientists tested twenty species of ants and found a three to one ratio of female to male production. This supports the view of worker ants “farming” (131) their mother for sisters. The workers have more strength than the queen.

Some ant species have slaves. The slaves come from another species of ants and gather food and care for the nest. Because the slaves have different genes, they have not evolved to take effective countermeasures against the queen in the intergenerational battle. In the arms race to select the sex of offspring, the queen gets to play against an untrained different species who do not pass on genes in this contest. In fact, the scientists measured these species of slave-making ants and found a one to one sex ratio. The queens won. Other species have their own sex ratios. For example, honey bees invest more in males than in females. This depends on the specifics of how each species reproduces.

Insects, apart from “farming” their mother for genes, farm the land for food. Insects have farmed, for its increased efficiency, since long before humans. Parasol ants harvest leaves which they use as fertilizer for fungi. The fungi convert leaf energy more efficiently than ants could. The fungi get their genes propagated. The ants and fungi appear to have mutual altruism.

Aphids efficiently suck plant sap, excreting sugary liquid. Some ant species drink this liquid, even squeezing it out of aphids. Aphids sometimes even wait for an ant before excreting. The aphids gain protection, and the ants gain food. Different species combine their own strengths, in symbiosis. Mutual cooperation arises in evolutionarily stable strategies. Lichens unite a fungus and an alga so closely that it appears as a single plant.

A human cell contains tiny mitochondria, producing energy. Mitochondria may have started as separate cells, merging symbiotically with humans. Dawkins writes that people likewise contain symbiotic colonies of genes. Viruses, strands of DNA dependent on organisms, could also be “rebel” (136) genes. People then are virus colonies: “Some of them cooperate symbiotically, and travel from body to body in sperms and eggs. These are the conventional 'genes'” (136).

Free-floating DNA in bodies would explain junk DNA, while DNA outside of bodies represent what people now call viruses. Because evolution happens at the genetic level rather than the individual or species level, symbiosis can happen among individuals as well as groups. It occurs when different organisms gain more by cooperation. Mutual benefit can look comparable to one side exploiting the other. Given a time delay, the recipient of a favor could cheat.

Birds, as with some other animals, groom each other, cleaning areas they cannot themselves reach. Species that recognize each other as individuals can practice “reciprocal altruism” (140). Applying evolutionarily stable strategies or comparable game theory math, the gain for grooming other individuals exceeds the cost. Cheaters would overtake a population of groomers, to the point that disease destroys the population. However, a population that remembers individuals and refuses cheaters would both gain the benefits of mutual grooming and resist cheaters.

Trivers describes dozens of species of small fish and shrimps, which survive by cleaning larger fish. The large fish could eat the small animals while they clean its mouth. However, the cleaners have distinct appearances, and mesmerize the larger fish. Some other fish mimic the cleaners, entrancing a larger fish and then eating part of it. The evolutionarily stable strategy for cleaners functions in fixed locations around coral reefs. This way, large fish line up at their favorite spots, like customers at a barber shop, knowing that they can trust these cleaners.

Trivers extends the game theory argument to humans. Emotions may have evolved primarily to detect cheats and appear honest:

Of particular interest are 'subtle cheats' who appear to be reciprocating, but who consistently pay back slightly less than they receive. It is even possible that man's swollen brain, and his predisposition to reason mathematically, evolved as a mechanism of ever more devious cheating, and ever more penetrating detection of cheating in others. Money is a formal token of delayed reciprocal altruism (140).

Chapters 8-10 Analysis

Because parents and their offspring share some but not all genes, they evolve to have overlapping yet different interests. From this, Dawkins predicts intergenerational conflicts. Parents, particularly mothers, care for their young. In addition to the trade-off between how many children to bear versus how much nurturing to provide, parents have finite resources to allot among their existing and future children. Therefore, division of resources become an important question.

According to The Selfish Gene, because mothers share the same one-half genetic commonality with each child, they should treat each child approximately fairly. However, circumstances such as risks to children who have different amounts of parental investment necessary to survive, can push unequal treatment. Since each sibling shares half of its genes with each other sibling as well as with each parent, children evolve to have altruistic incentives comparable to parents.

Parents and children each have their own full set of genes, so each parent and each child evolve to act for its own selfish interests before the kin-altruistic interests of its family. These evolutionary analyses predict observations such as squabbling children. Each child has genetic motivations to pursue its own interests for food and time and energy, although balanced by some interest in others. In cases of non-relatedness, such as when an egg is born in another nest, or adoption, one would expect to see more self-interest and less respect for the rest of the family.

As conflicts of interest between generations lead to parent-offspring and sibling competition, conflicts between sexes lead to male-female competition. The different opportunities for genes in a male versus a female body produce different behaviors. This starts from the fundamental biological difference between males and females—the relative sizes and numbers of sperm versus eggs.

Sperm are small and mobile. Eggs are large and stagnant. Large numbers of sperm chase small numbers of eggs. Likewise, males tend to be promiscuous, pursuing more stable females. A male benefits genetically whenever he has sex with a reproductive female. A female only has one egg, so that sex only benefits her genes on special occasions. Females tend to be more selective in sex because of the higher costs of having children.

Different sexual strategies can make sense, for males or females. Which strategies work best depends on the environmental conditions. Animals have evolved in various environments, producing a wide assortment of mating arrangements. Males generally want as much sex as possible. Females generally prefer sex only with partners who can invest enough resources into the eggs, or have capable enough genes, to counterbalance the disproportionate parental investment that a female makes in her sex cells.

As with other parts of The Selfish Gene, the description of sex extends from the fundamental biological incentives of genes, to explain a wide variety of behaviors. These behaviors often do not make sense without the perspective of the genetic economy. In humans, behaviors seem sometimes comparable and sometimes different versus other animals. Humans have selfish genes, although human culture also plays a role. Selfish genes can give rise to apparently altruistic behavior. In numerous cases, such as bees stinging intruders at the cost of their own lives, an animal seems to behave in a way that harms itself while benefiting others.

Dawkins shows how seemingly altruistic behavior can evolve as a logical consequence of selfish genes. Generally, when a gene can make more copies of itself by preserving other organisms harboring copies, then the genes can sacrifice their own body. Insects offer particularly interesting examples, because they reproduce differently. Siblings can have closer genetic relationships than parents and offspring. Therefore, intuitions from humans and other mammals turn out incorrect for insects.

Applying the idea of evolutionarily stable strategies, mutually beneficial behaviors such as grooming can arise from the interactions of selfish genes in the environment. Mathematics, here and elsewhere, reveals accurate predictions of animal behaviors that violate human intuitions. Humans have evolved to behave in ways that appear individually altruistic at times. This may include many “higher” mental functions, including thoughts and emotions. Again, natural selection produces selfish genes in cooperative survival machines.

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