Blood in the Water

Despite their initial claims to success, it soon became obvious to Rockefeller that the Attica situation was a potential “disaster,” “one that would require significant public relations maneuvering” (225). He sent lawyer Anthony Simonetti to Attica to assess the legal side of the situation for him. Bad news for the Rockefeller camp also came from recently performed autopsies on dead prisoners and hostages. Conducted by a Doctor Edland, they revealed that there were no slashed throats or mutilated genitals, repudiating the state’s claims about prisoner brutality. Edland’s work revealed that the hostages had all died of gunshot wounds. Given that only state forces had firearms on the day of the assault, his findings contradicted claims that prisoners were responsible for those deaths. These findings were leaked to the local press, and Edland himself then gave a press conference on Tuesday, September 14 to disclose his findings.

Even despite these revelations, as Thompson notes, Nixon gave Rockefeller “his assurances that he would ‘support him’” (234). This was critical for the political future of the former and gave him the confidence to reassert control over the situation. Meanwhile, the press was angry that it had, allegedly, been misled by the state. That said, some members of the press had to ask themselves difficult questions about why they had so readily accepted the stories of prisoner atrocities without any hard evidence.

A second autopsy by a Doctor Baden confirmed Edland’s initial conclusions. Rockefeller, in a press conference, still refused to change or apologize for his initial claims about prisoner violence toward, and murder of, hostages.

In this chapter, Thompson discusses the funeral arrangements made for the deceased prisoners and civilians at Attica. It was not until September 16, three days after the retaking, that a full list of inmate casualties was released. Even then there was much confusion and delay in the release of bodies for funerals. Prisoner L.D. Barkley’s funeral became akin to a political protest, with passionate speeches about human rights taking place. Conversely, a funeral for killed guard Carl Valone concluded with a fiery speech from a conservative perspective. In it, the officiating priest warned of future major prison revolts, “unless a separate institution was opened for inmates he described as ‘hard core revolutionaries’” (248).

Thompson next explores attempts to monitor the situation of the prisoners at Attica in the aftermath of the retaking. On the evening of the assault, Herman Schwartz and William Hellerstein had obtained an order from Judge Curtin allowing them into the prison. As noted at the end of Part 4, Mancusi had still refused to let them in. Two days later, however, on the 15, they were allowed to enter under the auspices of the Goldman Panel, an observational body Rockefeller had been pressured into creating following the retaking.

Improvements in prison conditions were made at Attica due to the panel’s recommendations, including employing part-time dentists. However, the panel white-washed the abuse still taking place there because some of the panel members were too close to Rockefeller.

Chapter 28 describes the responses, political and artistic, of various groups outside Attica to what had happened. John Lennon wrote a song to commemorate the uprising, while activist James Foreman wrote a poem. There were protests in solidarity with the Attica prisoners across New York State led by students and activists. Oswald was often picketed whenever he went to speak at an event. Further, a number of subsequent strikes and protests occurred in prisons across America, inspired by Attica, from Detroit to Georgia and West Virginia.

At the same time, there were rallies supporting Rockefeller. For example, one was held at Wall Street a few weeks after the retaking by a conservative student group. Lastly, this chapter also discusses how the main union for COs, the AFSCME, demanded changes to create a safer working environment in the wake of Attica. After unsuccessful talks with state officials, the union protested in New York State by threatening to lock all prisoners in their cells until their demands were met.

In chapter 29, Thompson discusses the position and actions of Governor Rockefeller in the wake of the Attica retaking. First, she emphasizes that Rockefeller had no regrets. He felt that what he had ordered or permitted was not only necessary to stopping the revolt at Attica, but also crucial as a way of protecting the American way of life from revolutionary militants fomenting discontent from both within and without the prison system.

However, as Thompson also notes, Rockefeller realized, even if he believed the state’s actions were justified, that he and the state could end up being blamed and criticized for what happened. As such, he convened a series of meeting with lawyers and key personnel involved in the retaking, including Oswald, John Monahan, and Henry Williams, the latter two of whom had directly carried out the retaking. These meetings were intended to help them corroborate their stories and ensure a common state narrative of events. The discussions were typed up and collected in something known as the “Albert-Vestner Report,” the existence of which was denied by the state for decades after.